Police deputies shot, Compton

[Shady]

The suspect who shot the deputies still at large hours later, and investigators released the vaguest of descriptions. The sheriff’s office noted that the video, which was shot through a fish-eye lens, provided a distorted view of the scene.

The shooting caught the attention of President Donald Trump, who tweeted, “Animals that must be hit hard!”—even though police have said there was only one gunman.

‘Cowardly’: Video Shows Gunman Ambushing Two L.A. Deputies in Patrol Car

The officers are in critical condition after surgery, and the suspect is on the run.

www.thedailybeast.com

 

[Shady]

“NEW: LASD announces both deputies are in fact, still alive. 14 homicide detectives are on scene. Very generic suspect description of a dark skinned male, per one of the deputies. Video was from a fish eye lens which potentially distorts suspect’s height…NEW: Sheriff Villanueva says one deputy is a 31 year old mom of a 6 year old boy, other is 24 year old male. Says both deputies are out of surgery with multiple gun shot wounds & critical. Says this is now a growing trend of police being targeted in current climate.”

Two LA Sheriff Deputies Ambushed in Compton, Both Reported Shot in the Head, Fighting for Lives in Surgery | The Gateway Pundit | by Kristinn Taylor

Two Los Angeles County Sheriff Deputies, a man and a woman, are in surgery “fighting for their lives” after each was shot in the head in an ambush attack by lone gunman at a Metro station in Compton Saturday night, according to reports and statements by the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Office.

www.thegatewaypundit.com

 

[Shady]

Is that enough to show what I posted was what I saw reported ?

 

[GMA8877]

From what I see is ( from reports) 79% of people killed in Chicago are blacks. Now most there are killed by other blacks, do they talk about that on news, not often if at all. That leaves Hispanic, Whites, Asian make up a good portion Of the other 21% killed, do they talk about that? Nope.

Welcome to the Forum!

Thank you

 

[ZX9RCAM]

 

[Axxe55]

I guess I have to get my own popcorn now?

 

[kbaxter60]

Is that enough to show what I posted was what I saw reported ?

I am not completely sure who you are asking. But since I did comment on that earlier, I will say this:

When I said that "I am not buying it", I was not saying "You did not hear that, anywhere". I am saying "It does not compute". And reading their actual statement just underscores my feeling about it. When departments are cagey about these things, it sets off my Spidey Sense. They have probably two eyewitnesses and that's the best they can come up with? And it's like they're telling us: "No, our city is not so crappy that we have kids walking up and shooting cops, execution style".

Distorted view? Yes, all lenses introduce some distortion. But if the shooter is standing next to the car, it's distorting them both similarly. And, as I said, the distortion did not make it seem as if the perp was running like a child.

That's all. Enough for me!

 

[gambler]

I still think it is very telling that neither Kamala Harris or Biden even bothered to mention the two police officers shot....and she's an ex-prosecutor (supposedly) from California.

Now she took the time to meet with Blake's family and declared them to have great "dignity and grace." I have not seen the mom, but I've seen the Dad several times, and dignity and grace seem to be lacking to me. And Biden met with the family and talked to Blake by phone.

So, this pretty much tells the story of where Kam and Joe come down on this issue. Not one word to the shot cops or even an expression of condolences or hopes for a full recovery.

Now that's what I call class by them both !

 

[oldag]

In the period from 2015 to 2020, blacks were killed at a rate of 32 per million and whites at a rate of 13 per million.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/investigations/police-shootings-database/

One source

I have led two starkly different lives—that of a Southern black boy who grew up without a mother and knows what it’s like to swallow the bitter pill of police brutality, and that of an economics nerd who believes in the power of data to inform effective policy.


In 2015, after watching Walter Scott get gunned down, on video, by a North Charleston, S.C., police officer, I set out on a mission to quantify racial differences in police use of force. To my dismay, this work has been widely misrepresented and misused by people on both sides of the ideological aisle. It has been wrongly cited as evidence that there is no racism in policing, that football players have no right to kneel during the national anthem, and that the police should shoot black people more often. Here’s what my work does say:


• There are large racial differences in police use of nonlethal force. My research team analyzed nearly five million police encounters from New York City. We found that when police reported the incidents, they were 53% more likely to use physical force on a black civilian than a white one. In a separate, nationally representative dataset asking civilians about their experiences with police, we found the use of physical force on blacks to be 350% as likely. This is true of every level of nonlethal force, from officers putting their hands on civilians to striking them with batons. We controlled for every variable available in myriad ways. That reduced the racial disparities by 66%, but blacks were still significantly more likely to endure police force.

• Compliance by civilians doesn’t eliminate racial differences in police use of force. Black civilians who were recorded as compliant by police were 21% more likely to suffer police aggression than compliant whites. We also found that the benefits of compliance differed significantly by race. This was perhaps our most upsetting result, for two reasons: The inequity in spite of compliance clashed with the notion that the difference in police treatment of blacks and whites was a rational response to danger. And it complicates what we tell our kids: Compliance does make you less likely to endure a beat-down—but the benefit is larger if you are white.



People who invoke our work to argue that systemic police racism is a myth conveniently ignore these statistics. Racism may explain the findings, but the statistical evidence doesn’t prove it. As economists, we don’t get to label unexplained racial disparities “racism.”


• We didn’t find racial differences in officer-involved shootings. Our data come from localities in California, Colorado, Florida, Texas and Washington state and contain accounts of 1,399 police shootings at civilians between 2000 and 2015. In addition, from Houston only in those same years, we had reports describing situations in which gunfire might have been justified by department guidelines but the cops didn’t shoot. This is a key piece of data that popular online databases don’t include.

No matter how we analyzed the data, we found no racial differences in shootings overall, in any city in particular, or in any subset of the data. I have grappled with these results for years as I witnessed videos of unmistakable police brutality against black men. How can the data tell a story so different from what we see with our eyes?

Our analysis tells us what happens on average. It isn’t average when a police officer casually kneels on someone’s neck for 8 minutes and 46 seconds. Are there racial differences in the most extreme forms of police violence? The Southern boy in me says yes; the economist says we don’t know.

Several scholars have rightly pointed out that these data all begin with an interaction, and suggested that racist policing manifests itself in more interactions between blacks and the police. The impact of this hypothesis in our shootings data seems minimal. The results on police shootings are statistically the same across all call types—ranging from officer-initiated contact with a suspicious person (where racism in whom to police is likely paramount) to a 911 call of a homicide in progress (where interaction with the potential suspect is more likely independent of race).

Are the data nationally representative? We don’t know. But at least two other studies, both published in 2016—by Phillip Atiba Goff et al. and Ted R. Miller et al.—have since found the same using different data. Moreover, when we use our data to calculate the descriptive statistics used in popular databases such as the Washington Post’s, we find a higher percentage of black civilians among unarmed men killed by the police than they do. Those statistics, however, cannot address the fundamental question: When a shooting might be justified by department standards, are police more likely actually to shoot if the civilian is black? Only our data can answer this question, because it contains information on situations in which a shooting might meet departmental standards but didn’t happen. The answer appears to be no.

• Investigating police departments can have unintended consequences. Following the brutal beating of Rodney King by Los Angeles police officers in 1991, the U.S. attorney general was given the power to investigate and litigate cases involving a “pattern or practice” of conduct by law-enforcement officers that violates the Constitution or federal rights. Many argue that the answer to police reform in America must include more of these types of investigations.


We conducted the first empirical examination of pattern-or-practice investigations. We found that investigations not preceded by viral incidents of deadly force, on average, reduced homicides and total felony crime. But for the five investigations that were preceded by a viral incident of deadly force, there was a stark increase in crime—893 more homicides and 33,472 more felonies than would have been expected with no investigation. The increases in crime coincide with an abrupt change in the quantity of policing activity. In Chicago alone after the killing of Laquan McDonald, the number of police-civilian interactions decreased by 90% in the month the investigation was announced.

Importantly, in the eight cities that had a viral incident but no investigation, there was no subsequent increase in crime. Investigations are crucial, but we need to find ways of holding police accountable without sacrificing more black lives.

For all of us who are frustrated about decades of racial disparities that have gone unchecked, this is our Gettysburg. Yet we do ourselves a disservice in the battle against racial inequality if we don’t adhere to rigorous standards of evidence, if we cherry-pick data based on our preconceptions. The truth is enough to justify sweeping reform.

 

[oldag]

Another:

So far, we haven’t seen a shred of evidence that George Floyd’s death in police custody last month was racially motivated. But for those looking to exploit the incident, that doesn’t seem to matter.


The violence in the streets, and the liberal commentary that toggles between justification and cheerleading, is fueled by assumptions that racial discrimination in policing is widespread, that low-income minority communities are overpatrolled, and that black men are targeted for their skin color rather than for their behavior. There’s no denying that there was a time—in the living memory of many Americans—when this was true. The question is how true it remains.


Activists and politicians with their own agendas have taken the Floyd episode and similar incidents and shoehorned them into a pre-existing narrative about race and policing, but the reality is more complex. Race relations and violent crime rates among blacks have ebbed and flowed over the decades, and policing has reflected these changes. In the first half of the 20th century, when black poverty was significantly higher than it is today, and it was not uncommon for police officers in the Deep South to belong to the Ku Klux Klan, black crime rates and incarceration rates were significantly lower than what they would become in later decades.


The criminologist Barry Latzer has noted that the homicide rate for black men fell by 18% in the 1940s and another 22% in the 1950s. It’s probably not a coincidence that black poverty declined by 40 percentage points over the same period, and black incomes grew at faster rates that white incomes. Safer neighborhoods help facilitate upward economic mobility, which is something that the “defund the police” crowd might keep in mind.




In the second half of the 20th century, these trends reversed. In the 1960s, violent crime rates doubled, and they continued to increase sharply until the early 1990s, when better policing and more incarceration helped bring crime under control. In his 2007 book, “The Great American Crime Decline,” Franklin Zimring describes violent crime as a “regressive tax whereby the poor pay much more” and observes that “because both victims and offenders are concentrated among the same disadvantaged populations, a major crime decline might produce a double benefit—fewer victims as well as fewer offenders arrested and punished for serious crimes.” Between 1990 and 2016 the overall homicide rate fell by 34%, and among black men it fell by 40%. Had the black homicide rate remained at 1990 levels through that period, tens of thousands of black men wouldn’t be alive today.


In response to the racial hysteria over Floyd’s death, the Democratic House and Republican Senate are hashing out a “policing reform” bill for the president to sign. This is being done out of political expediency, not necessity. There is no epidemic of black suspects dying in police custody, and a few viral videos don’t prove otherwise. Yes, cops sometimes abuse their authority, and firing bad ones can be much too difficult. But states and localities can address those issues more effectively than a one-size-fits-all fix from Washington. Moreover, Republicans should be wary of allowing liberal activists to speak for the public. We’ve known for years that groups like Black Lives Matter are out of step with most blacks, let alone most of the country.


In a 2015 Gallup poll taken after Michael Brown was killed in Ferguson, Mo., a majority of black respondents said police treat them fairly, and far more blacks (38%) than whites (18%) said they “want a greater police presence in their local communities.” Another Gallup survey, published last year, asked black and Hispanic residents of low-income neighborhoods about policing and found that these groups “aren’t averse to law enforcement—in fact, they are particularly concerned about crime in their neighborhoods.” Fifty-nine percent of both blacks and Hispanics said that “they would like the police to spend more time in their area than they currently do, making them more likely than white residents (50%) to respond this way.”


Democrats and Republicans seem to agree that more-uniform data collection among police agencies would be a good thing. They’re right, but it’s no guarantee that the media will report the additional data or put it in context. We have plenty of data right now. Police shootings have fallen precipitously since the 1970s. Upward of 95% of black homicides in the U.S. don’t involve law enforcement. Empirical studies have found no racial bias in police use of deadly force, and that the racial disparities that do exist stem from racial differences in criminal behavior. The problem isn’t a shortage of data but a race-based narrative that is immune to any data that challenge it.

 

[oldag]

And another:

George Floyd’s death in Minneapolis has revived the Obama-era narrative that law enforcement is endemically racist. On Friday, Barack Obama tweeted that for millions of black Americans, being treated differently by the criminal justice system on account of race is “tragically, painfully, maddeningly ‘normal.’ ” Mr. Obama called on the police and the public to create a “new normal,” in which bigotry no longer “infects our institutions and our hearts.”

Joe Biden released a video the same day in which he asserted that all African-Americans fear for their safety from “bad police” and black children must be instructed to tolerate police abuse just so they can “make it home.” That echoed a claim Mr. Obama made after the ambush murder of five Dallas officers in July 2016. During their memorial service, the president said African-American parents were right to fear that their children may be killed by police officers whenever they go outside.

Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz denounced the “stain . . . of fundamental, institutional racism” on law enforcement during a Friday press conference. He claimed blacks were right to dismiss promises of police reform as empty verbiage.

This charge of systemic police bias was wrong during the Obama years and remains so today. However sickening the video of Floyd’s arrest, it isn’t representative of the 375 million annual contacts that police officers have with civilians. A solid body of evidence finds no structural bias in the criminal-justice system with regard to arrests, prosecution or sentencing. Crime and suspect behavior, not race, determine most police actions.

In 2019 police officers fatally shot 1,004 people, most of whom were armed or otherwise dangerous. African-Americans were about a quarter of those killed by cops last year (235), a ratio that has remained stable since 2015. That share of black victims is less than what the black crime rate would predict, since police shootings are a function of how often officers encounter armed and violent suspects. In 2018, the latest year for which such data have been published, African-Americans made up 53% of known homicide offenders in the U.S. and commit about 60% of robberies, though they are 13% of the population.

The police fatally shot nine unarmed blacks and 19 unarmed whites in 2019, according to a Washington Post database, down from 38 and 32, respectively, in 2015. The Post defines “unarmed” broadly to include such cases as a suspect in Newark, N.J., who had a loaded handgun in his car during a police chase. In 2018 there were 7,407 black homicide victims. Assuming a comparable number of victims last year, those nine unarmed black victims of police shootings represent 0.1% of all African-Americans killed in 2019. By contrast, a police officer is 18½ times more likely to be killed by a black male than an unarmed black male is to be killed by a police officer.

On Memorial Day weekend in Chicago alone, 10 African-Americans were killed in drive-by shootings. Such routine violence has continued—a 72-year-old Chicago man shot in the face on May 29 by a gunman who fired about a dozen shots into a residence; two 19-year-old women on the South Side shot to death as they sat in a parked car a few hours earlier; a 16-year-old boy fatally stabbed with his own knife that same day. This past weekend, 80 Chicagoans were shot in drive-by shootings, 21 fatally, the victims overwhelmingly black. Police shootings are not the reason that blacks die of homicide at eight times the rate of whites and Hispanics combined; criminal violence is.

The latest in a series of studies undercutting the claim of systemic police bias was published in August 2019 in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. The researchers found that the more frequently officers encounter violent suspects from any given racial group, the greater the chance that a member of that group will be fatally shot by a police officer. There is “no significant evidence of antiblack disparity in the likelihood of being fatally shot by police,” they concluded.

A 2015 Justice Department analysis of the Philadelphia Police Department found that white police officers were less likely than black or Hispanic officers to shoot unarmed black suspects. Research by Harvard economist Roland G. Fryer Jr. also found no evidence of racial discrimination in shootings. Any evidence to the contrary fails to take into account crime rates and civilian behavior before and during interactions with police.

The false narrative of systemic police bias resulted in targeted killings of officers during the Obama presidency. The pattern may be repeating itself. Officers are being assaulted and shot at while they try to arrest gun suspects or respond to the growing riots. Police precincts and courthouses have been destroyed with impunity, which will encourage more civilization-destroying violence. If the Ferguson effect of officers backing off law enforcement in minority neighborhoods is reborn as the Minneapolis effect, the thousands of law-abiding African-Americans who depend on the police for basic safety will once again be the victims.

The Minneapolis officers who arrested George Floyd must be held accountable for their excessive use of force and callous indifference to his distress. Police training needs to double down on de-escalation tactics. But Floyd’s death should not undermine the legitimacy of American law enforcement, without which we will continue on a path toward chaos.

 

[gambler]

Is there a bottom line or conclusion to all of those posts ?

 

[Axxe55]

Is there a bottom line or conclusion to all of those posts ?

Yeah. Don't act stupid, or do stupid shit around cops and you probably won't get shot.

My sympathy meter is broken for people who do stupid shit!

 

[oldag]

Is there a bottom line or conclusion to all of those posts ?

Read my earlier post.

 

[gambler]

Read my earlier post.

You mean this ?

"The WSJ has had a couple of articles on true statistical studies. The studies concluded that blacks are not killed disproportionately by police. "

 

[leVieux]

To All,

We NEED to start dealing with VICIOUS CRIMINAL PREDATORS, RIOTERS, LOOTERS & others who try to kill innocent people under RULE 7.62x51.

yours, satx

AMEN ! And “00” !

 

[tonelar]

they should find this shooter and give it the death sentence

i cannot stand the la dodgers, but their statement in support of law enforcment showed a great deal of class

 

[Axxe55]

they should find this shooter and give it the death sentence

i cannot stand the la dodgers, but their statement in support of law enforcment showed a great deal of class

With this having happened in California, I'm not sure we could count on them getting the death penalty for shooting two LE officers.

And even understanding that possibility, the other officers if they realize that, there is a good chance that the perp may commit suicide by cop.

Not that I can find any fault in that myself either. Would save the taxpayers a huge amount for a trial.

 

[phoenix]

Well considering democrats have taken an anti-cop stance is anyone really surprised.

 

[Axxe55]

Well considering democrats have taken an anti-cop stance is anyone really surprised.

Just an observation and an opinion. I wonder if they really are anti-LE? Maybe they are, or just seem to be to further oppose Trump, because he seems very pro-LE.

But on the other hand, Obama did seem to start a trend towards that position while he was in office. Maybe not directly being anti-LE, but it sure seemed at least indirectly with some of the things he said and did.